A Sueldo de Moscú
  • por Ricardo Royo-Villanova
Menú
Ricardo Royo-Villanova
¿Por qué ahora los jefes y jefazos tienen cargos en inglés, y los más chulos, incluso en siglas?
Violencia política en USA
Violencia política en USA

Foto de Life Matters.

My calculator is woke: 25 years of political violence in the USA

The Red Numbers of Abascal and Trump: 25 years of records confirm that the far right is responsible for 7 out of 10 political murders, and their victims are mostly women, ethnic minorities, and the LGBTQ+ community.
17/09/2025

We have radical left lunatics out there and we just have to beat the hell out of them

Donald Trump

[English translation from the original Spanish by ChatGPT ] The terrible murder of Charlie Kirk on September 10 in Utah spent less time in the headlines than it took to be thoroughly investigated, and, as usual when Trumpism wants to embed one of its quaint ideas into society, the conclusions dictated the investigation, not the other way around.

It is not surprising, then, to hear the emotional address of the governor of Utah, who—with tears in his eyes—implored that God (the same God Americans trust from their one-dollar bills) would grant him the wish that the murderer was not “one of their own,” but an outsider. But that cruel God, in whom they trust, did not grant it. The alleged murderer, Tyler Robinson, was not African American, not Muslim, not Latino. He was white, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant. He was “one of ours.”

And despite this, even before the police had practically started the report, President Trump had already passed sentence: the left kills, the left inflames, the left is guilty, and they must be beaten. Not a minute of doubt, not a shred of shame, because the truth does not matter.

And, as so often happens with bad ideas, the import into our troubled country was immediate. Vox has not missed the chance to repeat the script, and the PP are hardly far behind, convinced—some and many of the others—in their delirious competition to see who can say the biggest nonsense, that they have found a shortcut: if it works in Arizona, why not in Albacete? The Trumpist discourse is toxic, entering Spain through the right and without tariffs. But in Albacete they can read.

The truth—what they do not care about, in this case—is very easy to know, because it is expressed in numbers, and numbers, if you are not a flat-earther or an anti-vaxxer, are stubborn. Twenty-five years of records show, with an inconvenient clarity that is hard to deny, that political violence in the USA not only does not originate on the left, but is not even distributed evenly.

It has an overwhelming bias, a recognizable signature, and, if anyone is still surprised, a very marked gender perspective. And this is where the Trumpist narrative reveals itself for what it is: a bad magician’s trick.

Figures that do not match the narrative

We define political murders as those related to domestic political extremism, excluding personal motives or international terrorism such as 9/11. The goal is to analyze violence among Americans, not violence carried out by foreigners against American citizens. By this criterion, between the year 2000 and September 2025 around 450 murders in the United States were recorded with political, racial, or religious motivations.

That may seem impressive at first glance, but it represents just a tiny fraction (about 0.1%) of the total homicides in that period, between 430,000 and 550,000 according to the sources consulted: FBI, ADL (Anti-Defamation League), CSIS (Center for Strategic and International Studies)… In any case, it is a figure that shows that the United States is an extremely violent society.

But let us set aside the 99.9 percent of murders committed in “the greatest and oldest democracy in the world,” and focus on the remaining 0.1 percent, more than four hundred politically motivated murders.

The number of people killed (about 450) in 25 years for political motivations is shocking and horrifying, but let us not stop at the absolute number—let us look at the distribution: let us analyze the perpetrators and their orientations and motivations. And here, arithmetic, which is one of the languages in which truth expresses itself, destroys the right’s narrative.

According to ADL and CSIS, by orders of magnitude, between 65 and 70 percent of those several hundred murders were the work of right-wing extremists: white supremacists, neo-Nazis, anti-government militias, and conspiracy theorists of all kinds. Left-wing extremists barely reach between 10 and 15 percent. Domestic Islamist extremism—an important nuance here of domestic—accounts for around 15 to 20 percent.

The rest are mixed cases or without a clear ideological profile.

It is worth emphasizing that the figures may vary depending on the archive and classification criteria. ADL, CSIS, or even the FBI do not always count the same things or in the same ways, hence the ranges (65-70%, 10-15%…) instead of fixed figures. But this margin of error does not alter the overall picture: the pattern is clear and the conclusions do not depend on decimal accuracy.

The right as an almost exclusive protagonist

From Charleston in 2015 to Buffalo in 2022, the sequence is not an isolated accident but part of a constant that has lasted twenty-five years, a quarter of a century.

The list of massacres demonstrates this without adornment: the Charleston massacre in 2015, with nine African American churchgoers murdered by Dylann Roof, a white supremacist whose arrest even involved members of his own family; the attack on the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh in 2018, which left eleven people dead at the hands of Robert Bowers, an anti-Semitic extremist who denied the Holocaust and was convinced that a white genocide was underway; the shooting in El Paso in 2019, which left twenty-three people dead, mostly Latinos, by a white supremacist named Patrick Wood Crusius; or the murder of ten African Americans in a supermarket in Buffalo in 2022 by a right-wing radical who livestreamed the killings via Twitch, wearing a military helmet. These are some of the most representative cases, always with the same pattern: a radicalized white man, a semi-automatic rifle, and racial or religious hatred turned into a political pretext.

The left also appears in the chronicles, but almost as a footnote. Aaron Danielson, a Patriot Prayer sympathizer, was killed in 2020 in Portland by a self-declared antifascist. In 2025, an antifa group attacked an ICE facility in Texas, leaving several people severely injured, including a police officer hit in the neck. These are serious episodes, certainly, and no less condemnable than the others, but so minor in the statistics that they barely alter the chart.

Violence is not politically symmetrical: the balance is clearly tilted toward the right. Pretending otherwise is not an innocent error, it is a deliberate manipulation, it is hiding the truth, it is complicity with the criminals. It is, ultimately, to have one’s hands somewhat stained with blood.

Gender perspective: who kills and who dies

The gender pattern is overwhelming: 94% of political killers in the U.S. are men. The victims, by contrast, are more evenly distributed: about 55–60% are men and about 40–45% are women (with around 1% unknown or nonbinary). To repeat, to make it clear: 94% of the killers are men; 40–45% of the victims are women.

The conclusion is unavoidable: the same virtual spaces where supremacism and xenophobia incubate are also breeding grounds for misogyny, because many of the murders whose victims are women were hatched in sinister incel forums or in anti-feminist groups, where hatred of women blends thickly with other extremist ideologies.

A methodological clarification is necessary: we classify incels and misogynistic extremists within the far right because they share spaces, narratives, and networks with white supremacists and reactionary anti-feminism. Radical Islamist extremism, however, is analyzed separately because it responds to a different religious matrix, with its own dynamics and international connections that do not overlap with the Western far-right ecosystem.

Violence against the LGBTQ+ community: restoring morality

Among political murders in the United States, violence specifically targeted at the LGBTQ+ community occupies a particularly sinister place. We are not talking about all crimes in which the victim happened to be gay, lesbian, or trans by chance (there are many more), but those where the motive was precisely their identity or sexual orientation. That is to say: ideological murders driven by homophobia, transphobia, or the religious and political obsession with “defending morality.”

It was not an isolated fact. In 2019 in South Carolina, Dime Doe, a transgender woman, was murdered solely for her identity; the case resulted in the first federal conviction in the U.S. for an anti-trans hate crime. In 2021 in Georgia, Sophie Vasquez, also trans, was murdered by an individual who tried to justify the crime with the so-called “trans panic defense,” ultimately rejected by the court. In 2024 in Alabama, the trans teenager Cameron Thompson was murdered after months of harassment fueled by hateful speeches circulating on social media.

A complex exception

The Orlando 2016 case deserves separate mention: Omar Mateen, a U.S. citizen born in New York, murdered 49 people in the Pulse nightclub. Although ISIS claimed responsibility, the motives were hybrid—a mixture of internalized homophobia, online radicalization and psychological imbalances—and that is why different organizations classify it differently.

In this analysis we have excluded it from the central statistics for being considered an internationally claimed terrorism by ISIS, but its symbolic weight in violence against the LGBTQ+ community is undeniable.

In summary: political murders in the U.S. (2000-2025)

The balance of a quarter century leaves no room for creative interpretation: 7 out of 10 political murders bear the signature of the far right. In this period there were also two assassination attempts against Donald Trump: the first on July 13, 2024, by Thomas Matthew Crooks; and the second on September 15, 2024, by Ryan Wesley Routh. Both incidents, though not lethal, are part of the same pattern of extreme political violence in the USA.

Source of violenceApproximate number of murdersPercentage of totalEmblematic examples
Far right~30065-70%Charleston 2015 (9), Pittsburgh 2018 (11), El Paso 2019 (23), Buffalo 2022 (10)
Far left~50–7010-15%Portland 2020 (1), Alvarado 2025 (heridos graves)
Domestic Islamism~35–408–10%Fort Hood 2009 (13), Boston 2013 (3), San Bernardino 2015 (14)
Others / Mixed20-455-10%Loughner 2011, asesinatos híbridos
TOTAL~450100%—

Spain also has a mirror in El Callejón del Gato

What is unsettling is not only what happens in the United States, but how it is transplanted to Spain, conveniently reflected in the distorted mirrors of El Callejón del Gato. Vox has for years been freely importing the Trumpist discourse of the “violent left,” and in the PP there are more and more voices repeating it as if it were revealed truth.

It is about copying the Trumpist narrative frame, even though data contradicts it, because as everyone knows, for those who do not hesitate to sow doubt about vaccines or give credence to all kinds of conspiracies and hoaxes, truth does not matter.

But it does matter, because the risk is large: turning Spanish politics into a sad caricature of the American one, with invented internal enemies and the escalation of polarization as an electoral strategy. We import Netflix series, XXL hamburgers and now also lies packaged in convenient disposable kits. And without tariffs.

In Spain the numbers are more modest, but the pattern is disturbingly similar: political violence in the USA is not symmetrical, and it almost always hits the same groups. According to the Interior Ministry, in 2024 there were 1,955 hate crimes and incidents registered, of which 804 were for racism or xenophobia and 528 for sexual orientation or gender identity. That is: more than a quarter of all cases targeted LGBTQ+ persons.

Reports from FELGTBI+ add that physical or verbal aggressions against this community doubled in one year, going from 7% to 16.3% of the LGBTQ+ population. These are not abstract figures: in 2025 an LGBTQ+ bank was attacked in Lanzarote with a swastika and the phrase “Long live Vox”; in Gandia an LGBTQ+ exhibition was vandalized with Nazi symbols and homophobic insults; and in Navarra the Prosecutor is investigating the mayor of Valtierra for hate speech against migrants.

You do not need assault rifles or international headlines to see how the same toxic discourse produces violence here and now. Will we allow it to escalate?

Talking about political violence in Spain between 2000 and 2025 without mentioning ETA would be an exercise in bad faith: the terrorist group murdered more than 60 people in the first decade of the century, until its definitive end in 2011. That violence was lethal, systematic and left a wound that still festers in our collective memory. But 2011 marks a rupture in the trend.

Since then, ETA’s violence has disappeared, though certain expressions of the abertzale world continue to generate pain: the ongietorri and public tributes to released ETA members, chants glorifying violence in demonstrations or graffiti that praise violence. They do not kill, but they wound: they are forms of symbolic violence that humiliate the victims and poison the social climate.

The contrast is clear: ETA’s armed terrorism is a thing of the past and political violence in Spain is much less lethal. Our society is less violent, access to firearms is limited—and that makes a big difference. But the risk is not that we replicate the same spiral of blood—it is adopting the same spiral of lies. Vox does it without shame and in the PP there are more voices reciting the Trumpist script as if it were dogma.

Closing accounts

Twenty-five years of data do not allow for discussion: political violence in the USA has a clear signature, that of the far right. Pretending otherwise is not an innocent mistake—it is a deliberate lie. And like every lie repeated, it kills twice: first the victims, then the truth.

What do we know about the “white genocide”? Nothing. Not a single piece of data supports it, no statistic confirms it. What we do know is that while supremacists fantasize about their imaginary extinction, Black people, Latinos, Asians, Native Americans, women and LGBTQ+ people keep burying their dead. And that is the obscene paradox: inventing a genocide to justify the real murders one commits.

Numbers are stubborn.

Final note: where all these data come from

I have worked based on reports from the FBI, CSIS and ADL, gathered through open searches and with the help of artificial intelligence tools to locate, organize, and classify the information. This article was not written by any AI, but I did use them as a “search engine assisted by AI.” I have not spent weeks in physical archives, but neither did I limit myself to headlines: everything presented here is backed by verifiable sources.

The result is clear: twenty-five years of records refute the narrative of the “violent left.”

1) Political murders in general and domestic extremism
2) Murders motivated by antisemitism
3) Violence by and against Muslims (Islamophobia and domestic Islamist extremism)
4) Violence against women
5) Politically motivated violence against the LGBTQ+ community
6) Ethnic analysis of the victims (breakdowns and trends)
7) Total homicides and general crime data
8) Hate crimes in Spain